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Chapter 1

Why there is a cover-up in Cecilia Zhang abduction and murder?


This chapter is based on my blog posting of January 5, 2005. It summarizes the connections between my civil case and Cecilia Zhang criminal case and concludes that Canadian government at least had prior knowledge of and was very likely involved in Cecilia Zhang abduction and murder. These connections are based on the facts in my report, A Jobless Immigrant without Privacy, which I had composed earlier for a different purpose, i.e., to seek public support for my own civil case. Indeed, I believe it was my filing of lawsuit with BC Supreme Court in November 2002 that set in motion the criminal conspiracy perpetrated against innocent 9-year-old Cecilia Zhang.

My major grievances against the defendants – my former professors and their Wall Street friends whose names are listed in Chapter 1 of my report - were sabotage of my career and harassment, mostly of a sexual nature, which started in fall 1993 and culminated in a robbery of my online investment account that cost me my last job. The online robbery occurred on Oct 20-24, 2000, exactly three years before Cecilia Zhang's abduction. (Of course, this timing coincident was not the only one between these two. But certainly it was the most obvious one.)

Why did I fast?

Originally, this summary was written in response to a journalist's inquiry in late 2004. I was asked why I was fasting.

In early 2001, I initiated a privacy request with the federal immigration department to try to get my personal file. I believe it contained information that was detrimental to the defendants. The government did the cover-up for the defendants by withholding my personal information from me in violation of Privacy Act. It was around summer 2001 that the idea of a hunger strike first came to my mind, after I realized that the government was on the defendants' side and I felt extremely hopeless and depressed.

Later, the government and police joined the defendants in bullying and harassing me. I knew that a hunger strike to draw public's attention and support was probably my only option.

Right after police claimed to have solved the crime by arresting a single suspect in summer 2004, it dawned on me that there was a reasonable chance of a conspiracy in the crime. Naturally, the most important reason I went on a hunger strike was to make sure justice is done for Cecilia. That's why I listed 8 issues on my website, with "Justice for Cecilia Zhang" on the top of my list.

I started my fast on October 20, 2004, one year anniversary of Cecilia’s abduction, and lasted till the end of spring session of last Parliament.

Motive in the Cecilia Zhang abduction and murder

(Note: Motive was unknown in official police investigation.)

The defendants had always wanted “private justice”. Over the years, they sent me numbers with implied monetary meanings ("phantom offers"), often in a bullying and harassing manner and often indicating gross violation of my privacy. They also sent me a number of woman agents in a sexual context.

When I informed them, in November 2002, my intention to sue them in court and/or to make my case public, they intensified their harassment efforts by sending a gay agent to harass me, by increasing the frequency of telephone harassment, by raising the "phantom offer" from US$2 millions to C$10 million and by targeting people around me, etc.

By then, the defendants, together with the government, had almost complete control of my life. They made it virtually impossible for me to find a lawyer to pursue my case legally, as is evidenced by the fact that even my telephone conversations made from courthouse library telephone were monitored. Their other major worry then was the expected fallout of my going public with my case. -- Thus, I think a direct objective for Cecilia Zhang's abduction was to create a headline because I had planned to go public with my case on October 20, 2003. (I think hatred was also a factor in her abduction and murder, as discussed in the following section.)

Looking back, the first indication of their "media strategy" to deal with the expected fallout of my going public was that, after the start of Iraq War in late March 2003, they virtually stopped their harassment activities for a few months. -- Their rationale was that, because of the intense media coverage of Iraq War, it would be very difficult for my story to get media attention.

(I also noticed from media report that co-incidentally, a woman tenant of Zhangs, through whom the only suspect Min Chen got to know Cecilia and her family, moved out of Cecilia's house in March 2003. -- The woman was never charged.)

Timings

My plan had been to go public with my case on October 20, 2003, the anniversary of the online robbery. The defendants or the government either guessed that was the most likely date or they might have known my plan by spying on me. Indeed, if it were not for my depression, which made writing my report even more painstaking, I would have been able to finish my report and release it on that day.

Besides, there were intense harassing activities before that date, including a woman agent who was sent to me from China in early October 2003, just a couple of weeks before Cecilia's abduction, probably with the cooperation of the immigration department because she needed a visa to come to Canada. This incident suggests that Canadian government at least had prior knowledge of Cecilia Zhang abduction.

Looking back, it is logical to think that it was after all those efforts (gay agent, intensified harassment efforts, increased numbers with monetary meanings, woman agent, etc.) failed, that Cecilia Zhang's abduction occurred.

There is another intriguing timing coincident. On October 20, 2003, the day when Cecilia abduction dominated the news, some cars were broken into in the underground parking garage of my building. Within a week of my second news release over the Internet on July 18, 2004 - after a long period of inactivity - Cecilia's case was in the news again due to the police's decision to arrest a single suspect. Around the same time, there was another car break-in(s) in my apartment building. I believe both car break-in incidents were designed to bully me.


Why Cecilia Zhang?

Since the defendant has the ears of the government and some politicians, they could spin my case easily. Mostly, I think they spread rumors that connected one of the defendant's (Mr. Weldon's) daughters with me. These kinds of rumors had the effect of masking their malicious intention (i.e., destroying my career out of jealousy and/or hatred). Besides, they further exposed me to hatred and contempt.

Of course, I do not think they would tell anybody about the reference letter of 1993 - the origin of my grievances - and the subsequent bullying and harassment.

Rumors asides, two actual incidents involving Weldon's daughters may bear some particular significance to Cecilia's case. One was a sexually explicit telephone message one of his daughters left in my answering machine in summer 1995, and the caller was clearly a minor at the time.

The other one was a stalking incident on June 15, 2000 - about four months before the online robbery - when all three of Weldon's daughters were in my usual lunch place when I walked in. The youngest one was probably 9 or 10 years old.

I do not know how the defendant might have spun those two incidents. They clearly incite hatred in people. Indeed, I believe that at least three people were influenced by the first incident.

  1. Warren Kinsella, a former aide to former prime minister Jean Chretien.
  2. Ed Ng, a lawyer who bullied me by saying “all you have is one recording”.
  3. Lisa Caruso, a woman agent sent to me in summer 2001.
  • Related Link: I devoted a separate blog http://jyu3.blogspot.com on how Ottawa's various political establishments influenced the mainstream media to protect their interests in the context of Sponsorship scandal and Cecilia Zhang murder cover-up. Warren Kinsella was a key palyer in it.

In short, a major motive of this crime was hatred, manufactured by defendants' spin. Cecilia Zhang’s ethnicity, age, gender and even her talent made her a victim of this hate crime. Of course, it could have happened to another Chinese girl of similar age, which made this crime even more hideous.

  • Related Link: A blog on the critical role of loss-of-privacy in Cecilia Zhang murder and the subsequent cover-up; A Chinese version of the same topic.

Who were involved and implicated?

(Note: To snatch a 9-year-old from her bedroom, which happened to be different from her usual bedroom due to visit of family member(s), in the middle of the night, more than one suspect was likely to be involved, as opposed to a single suspect in the current investigation. Indeed, within approximately ten days of the abduction, a lead investigator publicly stated that there was evidence to suggest that more than one person were involved in the crime.)

After my failed privacy request, the government became actively involved in bullying and harassing me. This, together with the possible knowledge and/or cooperation of CIC in sending the last woman agent to me just 10 days before Cecilia's abduction, raised the horrifying possibility of the government’s involvement in Cecilia Zhang’s abduction and murder.

I started to pay attention to federal politics during the investigation and eventual fall of the Privacy Commissioner George Radwanski in summer 2003. My feeling was that some of the Liberal politicians such as Reg Alcock and Derek Lee knew about my case, as spun by the defendants. This feeling grew stronger during the election of 2004 as I felt that the Liberals were very concerned that, if I went public in the middle of the election campaign, my case could become an election issue to the detriment of the Liberal Party. Specific incidents detailed in my report suggested Paul Martin's knowledge of my file, notwithstanding my first open letter on December 12, 2003. It was also suggested to me that Paul Martin might be personally associated with some of the defendants or their families.

Clearly, the ruling Liberals regarded my file as a potential political liability and they tried to do everything possible to muzzle me. But I do not think that Liberal party or its members were directly involved in Cecilia Zhang's abduction or murder.

Conclusion

I hope the above summary will provide a general idea as to why I think there is cover-up in the Cecilia Zhang case. Still, I strongly suggest that you read my report and blogs thoroughly.

As they say, the devil is in the details.


© 2006 by Jim Yu 喻敬东